Kyushu University Academic Staff Educational and Research Activities Database
List of Papers
Chisako T. MASUO Last modified date:2023.06.28

Professor / Department of Social Studies / Faculty of Social and Cultural Studies

1. Chisako T. Masuo, The Relationship between Domestic Politics and Diplomacy under the Xi Jinping Administration, Security Studies, 4, 3, 64-82, 2022.09.
2. Chisako T. Masuo, Fighting Against Internal and External Threats Simultaneously: China’s Police and Satellite Cooperation with Autocratic Countries, IAI Papers, 23, 1, 1-16, 2023.01.
3. Chisako T. Masuo, China’s “National Spatial Infrastructure” and global governance: Chinese way of Military–Civil Fusion (MCF) over the ocean, Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, 10.1080/09733159.2021.2024383, 17, 2, 27-42, 2021.07.
4. Chisako T. Masuo, Paul Midford, Xin Wang, Can China Cooperate?: The Prospects of Fishery Governance in the East Asian Water, International Studies Association Annual Convention 2021, 1-25, 2021.04.
5. The International Impacts of Chinese Fishery Reforms.
6. 「平安中国」が乱すアジアの平安:国土空間長期計画のインプリケーション.
7. Chisako T. Masuo, Japan’s Global Diplomacy to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (Chap 7), Alexander Lukin ed., The “Roads” and “Belts” of Eurasia, Palgrave Macmillan, 169-191, [ISBN: 978-981-15-0855-4], 2020.03.
8. Chisako T. Masuo, Competitive Cooperation for Regional Development: Japan's New Strategy towards Rising China, Australian Journal of Politics & History, 10.1111/ajph.12585, 65, 3, 430-448, 2019.09.
9. Is Xi Jinping "agressive"?: One perspective on Japan's future.
10. Nobuhiro Aizawa, Nick Bisley, Chisako T. Masuo, Rebecca Strating, Cooperation in Contested Asia: How Japan and Australia Can Shape the Region’s Changing Security Dynamic, The La Trobe Asia Brief, 1, 1-12, 2018.09.
11. Perspectives on China in its surrounding countries: In search for the future Asian international order.
12. Chisako T. Masuo, Toward Exclusive Enforcement?: China’s Fisheries Policy and the Prospects of Maritime Governance in Southeast Asia, International Studies Association Annual Convention 2018, 2018.04.
13. The Development Process of Chinese Official Discourse on Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands: Government’s Propaganda and Surging Nationalism, [URL].
14. Preface.
15. Development of Chinese Maritime Administration and Its Implications on the South China Sea Issue

This paper analyzes the development process and future direction of China's South China Sea (SCS) policy, focusing on the organizational history of its State Oceanic Administration (SOA) that oversees the maritime administration under the State Council. Most previous studies on China have examined the SCS issue from a diplomatic, if not military, perspective. However, coastal states, in general, take two kinds of approach toward the disputed maritime zones they lay claim to. Recognizing the not-yet-demarked status of the disputed water, the international approach respects other claimants' potential rights and seeks to control frictions in a cooperative manner before permanent delimitation. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs often carries this responsibility in domestic bureaucracy. The second approach, that is, the domestic approach puts higher priority on establishing effective control over the disputed water, by exclusively strengthening their administration against other states. In China, the SOA has devoted itself to this mission for decades, aiming to protect China's maritime rights but only won recognition from central leaders after 2006.

The paper solves two puzzles regarding external Chinese behaviors. First, it answers why Chinese leaders shifted from a cooperative SCS policy to an aggressive one, using paramilitary forces belonging to the SOA in mid-2000. Chinese leaders first allowed SOA to initiate a regular patrolling system over the disputed water of the East China Sea in the summer of 2006, considering the soaring anti-Japanese nationalism in domestic society. Supported by the People's Liberation Army Navy, SOA used the opportunity to expand the patrolling system over all of Chinese "jurisdiction water" the next year. Second, it reveals why China began reclamation of seven disputed maritime features in Spratly Islands in mid-2010. Given the tailwind of the domestic politics, SOA successfully achieved the legislation of "Island Protection Law" in 2009 that enabled it to establish administrative measures to enhance island control. Cooperating with the military authorized to manage offshore islands in the Chinese domestic system, SOA stepped forward to prepare reclamation plans to consolidate Chinese presence in the SCS.

Unlike Hu Jintao administration that was vulnerable to the domestic criticism and therefore accepted SOA's proposals without much consideration, Xi Jinping tightened his control over the SOA. He continues to prioritize the domestic approach, but aims at not raising international tension over maritime issues. The SOA was given the new task of establishing Maritime Silk Road under his initiative. Regarding the SCS, China is trying to find a way to make other claimants respect its rising influence by providing economic carrots to them in the new scheme, in the near future.

16. 中国の海洋シルクロードと東アジア地域秩序の行方.
17. Chisako T. Masuo, Russia’s Weight for China in the Global Context: Is the China-Russia Partnership Long-lasting?, SRC Summer Symposium: Northeast Asia's Faultline: One Hundred Years of Sino/Russian/Soviet Competitive Cooperation, 2017.07.
18. 長期計画達成に邁進する中国の海洋管理:『海島保護法』後の国内行政を手がかりに.
19. Chisako T. Masuo, Undesired Contestation: Changes in Japanese Diplomatic Options over the East China Sea Issues with China, International Studies Association Annual Convention 2016, 2016.03.
20. 益尾 知佐子, Extending Domestic Governance Over the Seas: China’s Reinforcement of the State Oceanic Administration, Project 2049 Occasional Paper, 2015.08, [URL].
21. Review Articles : China and International Relations Theory : New Discussions Opened by a Rising Power.
22. Chisako T. Masuo, Competing to Cooperate: Roles of Regional Governments in Chinese Approach to Regionalism, International Studies Association Annual Convention 2013, 2013.04.
23. Chisako T. Masuo, Governing a Troubled Relationship: Can the Field of Fisheries Breed Sino-Japanese Cooperation?, Japanese Journal of Political Science, 10.1017/S1468109912000345, 14, 1, 51-71, 2013.03.
24. 日本の安全保障政策における中国:40年間の変化と今後の方向性.
25. Chisako T. Masuo, Diversification of Decision-makings in Chinese Foreign Policy, 国立台湾師範大学東亜学系『東亜区域発展国際学術研討会 会議手冊曁論文集』, 18-24, 2011.12.
26. 中国改革開放的開端 対外政策与国内政策的互動関係.
27. Chisako T. Masuo, East Asia Security Situation, The 9th Canada-Japan Symposium on Peace and Security Cooperation, 2011.03.
28. Nanning jumps into the world: the role of Guangxi government in China's developing regionalism
Over the last decade, Chinese central government has treated its relations with ASEAN as the cornerstone to advance East Asian regionalism. This paper examines the process of Nanning, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, has won the central position domestically in strengthening economic ties with ASEAN countries. In the same time, it points out that Guangxi, under the domestic politics structure, has played accelerating role to step up China's regionalism. After the central government in Beijing decided to conclude China-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), Guangxi government not only accepted it soon, but also showed welcoming postures by proposing to host China-ASEAN EXPO in Nanning, boosting up the idea of Pan-Beibu Gulf Economic Area, and so on. In this way, Guangxi was able to launch its own economic development while it was drawing attention of the central government..
29. Japan in Chinese "Open-door Policy" : Implications of Tokyo's Economic Success for Domestic Politics in Beijing, 1978
This article analyzed the role Japan had played in Chinese domestic politics in 1978. While staying in Tokyo in spring, Lin Hujia's economic mission carried research not only on Japanese experience for development, but also on export processing zones in South Korea and Taiwan. Deng Xiaoping was irritated to know about the reality of Asian economic success and accelerated his development plans. Deng Liqun, who returned from Tokyo along with other members of Yuan Baohua's economic mission in fall, proposed a new image of Japan as an effective development model for China to follow. This image was spread to the whole nation in order to boot up Deng Xiaoping's "open-door policy." In addition, this paper described how Chinese plant-importing plans were expanded so much in summer during the course of State Council's Theory Conference (guowuyuan wuxuhui) under Deng Xiaoping's new leadership..
30. Deng Xiaoping's view toward Japan in transition: from late 1970s to early 1980s.
31. Chisako T. Masuo, Sino-Japanese Relations at the Early Stage of Chinese Opening Period: “Friendship” after “People’s Diplomacy”, 華東師範大学中日関係研究中心『全球視野中的近現代中日関係研究国際学術研討会 会議手冊』, 160-172, 2008.12.
32. 中国における「独立自主の対外政策」の形成:毛沢東時代から改革開放へ.
33. Chinese rethinking of the Sino-Soviet ideological controversy: moving toward the 'Independent foreign policy', 1979-1981.
34. 「日中友好」時代の両国関係:指導者の言説を中心に.
35. The Role of Foreign Policy in Deng Xiaoping's Opening-up Strategy: 1978 - the Road to the Sino-Vietnamese War
This article aims to re-examine the political process that allowed Deng Xiaoping to regain his power as Chinese leader in 1978, by focusing his foreign policy on domestic politics. Theoretical relations between his modernization strategy, foreign policy and the international state of affairs will be analyzed. It will be shown how Deng increased the tension with Soviet and Vietnamese "hegemons" while strengthening relations with Western capitalists and South-Eastern Asiancountries. His actions led him to become bogged down in the Sino-Vietnamese War in February1979. In doing so, the earliest foreign policy of Deng, who later became a leading advocate of the "independent foreign policy" as China opened up, will be clearly demonstrated.
In foreign policy terms, Deng was an orthodox successor to Mao Zedong and highlighted opposition to Soviet "hegemonism." However, Deng's greatest domestic political vulnerability arose from his personal history. Deng had been criticized by Mao for his ambitious domestic policy which contradicted Mao's revolutionary zeal. The United States presidential advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski visited China in May 1978 and stressed the importance of Sino-US strategic cooperation. Brzezinski offered China several technical measures to facilitate such relations.After their meeting, Deng started to promote his new opening-up strategy: because Mao's diplomacy to form a coalition with the world against the Soviets had been successful, and also because the Soviet Union was actually perceived as the biggest threat to the world, the US and its allies were willing to help China to become strong enough to deter the powerful Soviet Union.Although the world situation was at a difficult stage, a precious opportunity for China to rapidly develop its economy had arrived with help from the developed countries.
After winning many diplomatic successes with those nations, Deng justified his hurried development strategy by utilizing Mao's foreign policy within the Chinese Communist Party(CCP). He proposed that the party should transfer its focus from class struggle to economic development, and gradually consolidated his domestic power. In parallel, China increasingly exaggerated the Soviet threat and its" surrogate" Vietnamese threat. As the situation in Indochina worsened, Deng made his final decision to launch a war against Vietnam immediately after he took over the leadership of the CCP in late November 1978.
In addition to referring to newspaper articles and information in previous studies, this subject uses a volume of historical documents and memoirs published in China in recent years, as wellas diplomatic records relating to China from other countries..
36. 毛沢東与鄧小平在中国外交的共鳴(1974-1975).
37. 中国外交における毛沢東と鄧小平の共鳴:1974年から1975年を中心に.
38. 中国外交の転換点:国内における毛沢東外交の再検討 1979年~1981年.
39. Chisako T. Masuo, China’s Policy toward Japan: Stagnation for the Next Level, JIIA Research Report 2003: External Strategy of the New Chinese Leadership, 62-69, 2004.03.
40. 六者協議と中国の北朝鮮政策.
41. 中国の今後の対外政策:認識の変容という視点から.
42. 新段階を迎えた日中関係:時代の趨勢と広い視野を出発点に.
43. China's Relations with the Korean Peninsula in the Deng Xiaoping Period:The "Westphalianization" of Chinese Diplomacy
The 1st Best Thesis Award given by the Japan Association of Asian Studies.
44. 中国の対北朝鮮関係「正常化」:中韓国交正常化の背景.
45. 現代中国の世界認識と外交政策:格局パラダイムを中心に.