東南アジア地域研究、比較政治、移民と政治、華僑華人研究、国際関係、デジタル化と人権
キーワード：東南アジア、インドネシア、タイ、政治学、移民政策、華僑華人、インドネシア外交、東アジア国際関係
2014.04～2022.03.
| 相澤 伸広（あいざわのぶひろ） | データ更新日：2024.04.09 |
主な研究テーマ
従事しているプロジェクト研究
JAPAN AND SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE INDO-PACIFIC ERA
2019.05～2020.12, 代表者：John D. Ciorciari, Kiyoteru Tsutsui, University of Michigan, University of Michigan (USA)
Publish an edited volume entitled Japan and Southeast Asia in the Indo-Pacific Era. .
2019.05～2020.12, 代表者：John D. Ciorciari, Kiyoteru Tsutsui, University of Michigan, University of Michigan (USA)
Publish an edited volume entitled Japan and Southeast Asia in the Indo-Pacific Era. .
東南アジア地域におけるエリート周流のネットワーク分析
2019.06～2021.03, 代表者：ハウ カロライン, 京都大学 東南アジア研究所, 京都大学 （日本）
本研究は、1997年から98年の東アジア経済危機以降の東南アジア地域、特にフィリピン、インドネシア、マレーシア、タイの政治経済システムの変容を、マクロ経済政策、安全保障政策、インフラ整備等の国家プロジェクトに関わるエリート・ネットワークの生成と変容の観点から分析することを目的とする.
2019.06～2021.03, 代表者：ハウ カロライン, 京都大学 東南アジア研究所, 京都大学 （日本）
本研究は、1997年から98年の東アジア経済危機以降の東南アジア地域、特にフィリピン、インドネシア、マレーシア、タイの政治経済システムの変容を、マクロ経済政策、安全保障政策、インフラ整備等の国家プロジェクトに関わるエリート・ネットワークの生成と変容の観点から分析することを目的とする.
ヴィザ政策を巡るポリティクスーインドネシア、タイ、オーストラリアの比較研究
2019.04～2021.03, 代表者：相沢伸広.
2019.04～2021.03, 代表者：相沢伸広.
アジア諸国における汚職撲滅のパラドクス
2017.04～2019.03, 代表者：玉田芳史, 京都大学, 京都大学.
2017.04～2019.03, 代表者：玉田芳史, 京都大学, 京都大学.
開発の時代の国家建設：東南アジアの国家形成再考
2017.04～2019.03, 代表者：白石隆, 政策研究大学院大学, 政策研究大学院大学.
2017.04～2019.03, 代表者：白石隆, 政策研究大学院大学, 政策研究大学院大学.
東南アジア首都圏の開発ガバナンスと国家の役割再編
2015.04～2017.03, 代表者：岡本正明, 京都大学, 日本学術振興会.
2015.04～2017.03, 代表者：岡本正明, 京都大学, 日本学術振興会.
ハブ空港建設のポリティクス－バンコク・スワンナプーム空港建設過程の政治分析
2012.04～2015.03, 代表者：相沢伸広, 九州大学比較社会文化研究院.
2012.04～2015.03, 代表者：相沢伸広, 九州大学比較社会文化研究院.
インドネシア外交研究：ユドヨノ政権１０年の外交政策
2013.04～2015.03, 代表者：川村晃一, アジア経済研究所, アジア経済研究所（日本）
インドネシアユドヨノ政権１０年間について分析、考察するとともに２０１４年総選挙および大統領選挙を分析.
2013.04～2015.03, 代表者：川村晃一, アジア経済研究所, アジア経済研究所（日本）
インドネシアユドヨノ政権１０年間について分析、考察するとともに２０１４年総選挙および大統領選挙を分析.
研究業績
主要著書
| 1. | Nobuhiro Aizawa, ‘Business Power that changed the US Japan alliance: The military coup and Japanese Bangkokians”in John Ciorciari, Kiyoyasu Tsusui eds.The Courteous Power: Japan and Southeast Asia in an Evolving Indo-Pacific Order, University of Michigan Press, １７２−１９６, 2021.11. |
| 2. | 相沢伸広, 「インドネシア憲法裁判所の生存戦略と政治参加」玉田芳史編著『政治の司法化と民主化』, 晃洋書房, 69-91頁, 2017.03, [URL]. |
| 3. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, 'Peace and Institution Building: Japan in Southeast Asia', in Yuki Tatsumi and Pamela Kennedy eds. Peacebuilding and Japan:Views from the next Generation., Stimson Center, 2017.03, [URL]. |
| 4. | 相沢 伸広, 「ユドヨノ政権１０年の外交ー国際社会における名声とその限界」 川村晃一編『新興民主主義大国インドネシアーユドヨノ政権の１０年とジョコウィ大統領の誕生』所収, 日本貿易振興機構（ジェトロ）アジア経済研究所, http://jairo.nii.ac.jp/0046/00007174, ２１７−２４３, 2015.12, [URL]. |
| 5. | 相沢伸広, 「バンコク二空港とタイ2011年大洪水」 玉田芳史編著『タイ2011年大洪水 : その記録と教訓』, 日本貿易振興機構（ジェトロ）アジア経済研究所, http://hdl.handle.net/2344/00014638, 97-121, 2014.03, [URL]. |
| 6. | 相沢 伸広, 華人と国家 ： インドネシアの「チナ問題」, 書籍工房早山, 207頁, 2010.02, [URL], 中国の台頭を受けて、華人社会を多く内に抱え込んだ東南アジアの国ぐには、内政の安定と国際関係が直結する、非常にデリケートな問題に直面しています。日本だけが、「幸いにも」この問題に今まで、「鈍感」でこられたのです。しかし、今後日本が、アジア各国との友好関係を維持していくためには、各国のこの問題に対する内実を知らずに過ごす事は出来ない。若い世代の先陣をきって著者は、先ずインドネシアにおける華人問題である「チナ問題」の歴史分析に取り組みました。インドネシアにおける対華人対中国政策の流れを簡潔にまとめ、かつ政策立案の鍵を握る国家委員会の生き残りメンバーへの綿密な聞き書きを含む本書は、新しい学問視座の誕生を予感させる１冊と言えます。. |
主要原著論文
| 1. | Nobuhiro Aizawa, Business Power that changed the US Japan alliance: The military coup and Japanese Bangkokians, John Ciorciari, Kiyoyasu Tsusui eds.The Courteous Power: Japan and Southeast Asia in an Evolving Indo-Pacific Order, https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.11859489, 2021.10, Facing the Thai coup in May 2014, Japan faced a test either to show how close and accommodating Japan’s relationship was with Thailand, a de facto economic ally in Southeast Asia, or to show that Japan would stand firm on shared democratic principles with its ever more important security ally, the United States.This paper discusses how this Japanese diplomatic dilemma unfolded. In particular, the paper highlights the role of the Japanese business community in Bangkok for reshaping the idea of Democracy and how this gave the Japanese government a diplomatic choice to solve the dilemma.. |
| 2. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, Beyond the Non-Interference dilemma: The Indonesian initiative on ASEAN charter, Nargis crisis and Regionalism, Australian Journal of Politics & History, 10.1111/ajph.12590, 65, 412-429, 2019.09, [URL]. |
| 3. | 相沢 伸広, 第五列から資本家へ ― 華人・華僑問題とインドネシア－中国関係一九六六－一九九〇−, 国際政治, １４６, １５６-１７１, 2006.11, [URL]. |
主要学会発表等
| 1. | John G Dale, Nobuhiro Aizawa, Working Human Rights into Digital Technology Policy: Contesting Bureaucratic Futures of Japan’s Automated “Society 5.0, 2022 Annual Meeting American Sociological Association, 2022.08. |
| 2. | 相澤伸広, 米国のアジア戦略と東南アジア, 日ASEANビジネスウィーク特別BBLウェビナー 東南アジアを取り巻く国際政治経済情勢―米中との繋がりから考える, 2021.05, [URL]. |
| 3. | Nobuhiro Aizawa, Kent Calder, Karl Jackson and David Shear., The US,Japan, and Southeast Asia in the Age of Great Power Competition: Cooperation Post-COVID World, Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies Seminar Series, 2020.07, Renewed great power competition in Southeast Asia poses a formidable challenge to American and Japanese interests and threatens to fragment a region that has enjoyed stability and prosperity for decades. Panelists will explore what kind of region Southeast Asia may find themselves in under great power competition and how the US and Japan can compete with China and contribute to the establishment of a stable regional order. Dr. Kent Calder, Director of the Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies, will moderate a panel discussion joined by Dr. Karl Jackson, C.V. Starr Distinguished Professor of Southeast Asia Studies, Dr. Nobuhiro Aizawa, of Kyushu University, and Reischauer Center Senior Fellow Ambassador David Shear.. |
| 4. | Nobuhiro, Aizawa, Southeast Asia’s Anglophone Elites and U.S. Foreign Policy, Wilson Center、Asia Program, 2020.06, [URL], Since the 1990s, Southeast Asia’s financial elites, entrepreneurs, and growing middle class alike have been cultivated by the Anglophone higher education system. Unlike previous generations that strengthened ties to the United States through military training, this newly emerging American-influenced elite should have emerged as a major asset for broader U.S. foreign policy objectives and influence in the region. Yet its influence on foreign policy has been overlooked and its implications too have been misinterpreted. Surprising too is the fact that the Anglophone trained elites have emerged as vocal critics of the United States in the region. In spite of U.S. business commitment to the region on the one hand and heightened competition with China on the other, the Anglophone network has not encouraged their countries to side with the United States. Join us for an online discussion about the dynamics of Southeast Asia’s Anglophone elite network and relations with Washington, with a particular focus on Indonesia and Thailand.. |
| 5. | Nobuhiro Aizawa, Wilson Center Japan Fellow and Kyushu University, Larry Greenwood, Bower Group Asia (former US ambassador to APEC)Courtney Weatherby, Stimson Center, Bryan O’Byrne, USAID, Marvin Ott, Wilson Center and Johns Hopkins University (moderator), Corporate Interests and U.S.-Japan Cooperation in Southeast Asia, Japan's Global Economic Leadership Beyond the G20, 2019.10, [URL], Over the past two years, Japan has emerged as a global leader in forging ahead with multilateral trade agreements, and as such taking on a greater role in ensuring that free, fair, and open markets prevail. At the same time, there are growing expectations for Japan to take on a larger role that goes beyond trade to ensure economic stability worldwide, and act as a global stabilizer amid growing uncertainties. The ongoing trade friction between China and the United States has undoubtedly impacted the economies of countries across Asia and beyond, and the spillover effect may well continue. At the same time, the challenges of accommodating technological advancement and automation will likely be far greater than crafting any single trade agreement. There are also growing expectations for Japan’s leadership in ensuring continued growth in emerging markets with the greatest need for capital investments. Southeast Asia in particular is at the frontline of increased opportunities for project financing, but at the same time it is being confronted with making a political as much as an economic choice in selecting partners for growth.. |
| 6. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, Building and Integrating the Indonesian State, Symposium: "Origins of Prosperity and Stability: State Building in 20th Century Asia", 2018.10, [URL]. |
| 7. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, Japan’s Southeast Asian Policy at the crossroad, University of London, SOAS Japan research Centre & SOAS Centre of South East Asia Seminar, 2017.12, Southeast Asia has long been regarded by both Japan’s government and businesses community as a highly important region. Unlike its relationship with the US and China, Japan’s ties with Southeast have been generally stable and uncomplicated. However, against the backdrop of the unprecedented global power shift under way, the core strategic significance of Southeast Asia for Japanese foreign policy is also changing. Japan’s Southeast Asian policy was originally an offshoot of the requirements of the US-Japan alliance. More recently, though, it has been heavily influenced by the China-Japan relationship, which means the principles and assumptions underlying Japan’s policy have been re-evaluated and sometimes revised. In view of changes in the global power balance and the rise of neo-nationalism in Southeast Asia, Japan’s policy towards the region is now at a crossroads. This situation can be illustrated by developments relating to infrastructure projects as well as cooperation in the defence industry and urban governance.. |
| 8. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, Japan’s Southeast Asia Policy at a Crossroad, Hamburg University Department of Southeast Asian Studies Public lecture., 2017.11, Southeast Asia has been regarded as one of the regions where Japan is most committed to with regard to government and business. Unlike its relationship with the US or China, Japan has always enjoyed a stable and favourable relationship with the region. It could be claimed a resounding victory in the history of Japan’s foreign policy. However, actually a shift in the global balance of power is taking place in an unprecedented way. Therefore, the core strategic basis of Southeast Asia for Japan’s foreign policy is shifting. One aspect of Japan’s Southeast Asian policy was, that it has always been an off-shoot of US-Japan relations. Now, it is heavily influenced by the relations between China and Japan. Thus, the rules, principles, and actors of policies have been contested and revisited. With the shift in the global balance of power, and also, not to forget, with the rise of neo-nationalism in Southeast Asia, Japan’s Southeast Asian policy is at a crossroad. As a result, Japan has been actively redefining its rules and principles through infrastructure projects, cooperation in the development of defence industries, and in urban governance.. |
| 9. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro , Regionalism in Asia and Leadership in the New Era of Nationalism: Lessons from Southeast Asia, Humboldt University Seminar, 2017.11, [URL], Nationalism in Asia has regained its central political momentum. Strong dissent from the public onto economic globalization and regionalization has pressured their respective government to give lower commitment onto the international liberal order. Growing inequality as the central issue of politics in every nation, political stability and security in the region. In Asia, unlike Europe, nationalism has cemented its central role in political legitimacy, largely due to its independence movement and cold war history, regionalism rarely but critically made a difference in establishing the current regional order. I would thus seek to share the insights from those rare moments when political regionalism, triumphed nationalism which set the resounding foundation of stability and peace in the region. We would highlight the case on the leadership role and their perspectives onto convincing Myanmar back in the international order. We also take notable initiatives from the local government in the region into account as the key alternative agency and unit of analysis in understanding the new idea of regionalism in Asia. These insights on the political conditions and the inclusive leadership skills would offer key lessons, especially in the current state of security challenges in Asia.. |
| 10. | Aizawa, Nobuhiro, Chinese foreign labor in Indonesian politics, ISSCO 2017 Nagasaki, 2017.11, [URL]. |
| 11. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, Indonesia's new politics of Chinese foreign labor, Sydney Southeast Asia Centre, Sydney Asia Pacific Migration Centre and the China Studies Centre Joint Seminar, 2017.09, [URL], The rise of numbers in Chinese foreign workers in Indonesia has created a new political front line in Indonesia. While high attention both by politicians and media have grown onto the issue, both severely criticized the government for not taking enough action and responsibility in preventing the adverse effect onto Indonesian economy and politics. In this talk, Associate Professor Nobuhiro Aizawa discussed the new style of governance and politics under the Jokowi presidency in dealing with this pressing issue of foreign workers from China which is in a way, a global phenomenon.. |
| 12. | 相沢 伸広, タイ：試練に立つ政党政治, 東南アジア学会, 2013.12. |
| 13. | AIZAWA, Nobuhiro, A Tale of Two Governors - Gubernatorial Authority and Limits in Bangkok and Jakarta, Australian Political Science Association Annual Conference 2013, 2013.10. |
学会活動
所属学会名
American Sociological Association
American Political Science Association
Association of Asian Studies
日本比較政治学会
日本国際政治学会
日本華僑華人学会
東南アジア学会
学会大会・会議・シンポジウム等における役割
2021.05.27～2021.05.27, 日ASEANビジネスウィーク特別BBLウェビナー 東南アジアを取り巻く国際政治経済情勢―米中との繋がりから考える, 講演者.
2018.09.27～2018.09.27, World Social Science Forum 2018, Plenary Session Day 3 Chairperson.
2018.09.25～2018.09.28, World Social Science Forum 2018, 実行委員会プログラム委員.
2016.07.02～2016.07.03, 日本タイ学会, 研究大会委員長.
2015.03.23～2015.03.23, Graduate School of Integrated Sciences for Global Society Public Lecture by Dr. Hassan Wirajuda (Foreign Minister of Indonesia 2001-2009) ”Indonesia’s Foreign Policy: the First 10 Years of the Reform Era (Reformasi)”, Chairperson.
2015.03.23～2015.03.23, Graduate School of Integrated Sciences for Global Society Public Lecture by Dr. Hassan Wirajuda (Foreign Minister of Indonesia 2001-2009) ”Peran Mahasiswa dalam Diplomasi International ”, Chairperson.
2015.03.07～2015.03.08, The Future of Asian Studies -National, Transnational, and Regional Approaches-, Chairperson on Session "Transborder Studies 1" and "Transborder Studies 2".
2014.11.14～2014.11.14, 日本国際政治学会, コメンテーター.
2014.10.20～2014.10.24, NBTC Broadcasting Laws and Regulation Training Course, 主宰.
2013.06.02～2013.06.02, 東南アジア学会, 司会（Moderator）.
学術論文等の審査
| 年度 | 外国語雑誌査読論文数 | 日本語雑誌査読論文数 | 国際会議録査読論文数 | 国内会議録査読論文数 | 合計 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2018年度 | 1 | 1 | 2 | ||
| 2014年度 | 2 | 2 | |||
| 2012年度 | 2 | 2 | |||
| 2013年度 | 3 | 3 |
その他の研究活動
海外渡航状況, 海外での教育研究歴
The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, UnitedStatesofAmerica, 2019.08～2020.08.
Thammasat University, Thailand, 2016.08～2016.09.
Cornell University, UnitedStatesofAmerica, 2009.09～2010.09.
Chulalongkorn University, Thailand, 2010.10～2011.09.
外国人研究者等の受入れ状況
2018.10～2018.11, 1ヶ月以上, University of Hamburg, Germany, 日本学術振興会.
2019.03～2019.03, 2週間以上1ヶ月未満, University of Indonesia, Indonesia, 学内資金.
研究資金
科学研究費補助金の採択状況(文部科学省、日本学術振興会)
2022年度～2026年度, 基盤研究(A), 分担, 新型コロナ危機の政治インパクト：東南アジア地域モデル構築による比較政治研究の刷新.
2022年度～2025年度, 基盤研究(B), 代表, 東南アジアの「二重のハイブリッド化」：米中対立とデジタル化がもたらす権力再編分析.
2020年度～2022年度, 基盤研究(B), 分担, SDGsと持続可能な開発独裁：アジア地域研究からの警鐘.
2019年度～2021年度, 基盤研究(B), 分担, 東南アジア地域におけるエリート周流のネットワーク分析.
2019年度～2022年度, 基盤研究(C), 代表, ヴィザ政策を巡るポリティクスーインドネシア、タイ、オーストラリアの比較研究.
2017年度～2019年度, 基盤研究(B), 分担, 開発の時代の国家建設：東南アジアの国家形成再考.
2017年度～2019年度, 基盤研究(B), 分担, アジア諸国における汚職撲滅のパラドクス.
2015年度～2017年度, 基盤研究(B), 分担, 東南アジア首都圏の開発ガバナンスと国家の役割再編.
2013年度～2017年度, 新学術領域研究, 分担, 新興国の政治と経済「新興国の台頭による世界/地域秩序変容と国家形成・建設の比較研究」.
2014年度～2016年度, 基盤研究(B), 分担, 東南アジアにおける政治の司法化と民主化.
2012年度～2015年度, 若手研究(B), 代表, ハブ空港建設のポリティクス－バンコク・スワンナプーム空港建設過程の政治分析.
競争的資金(受託研究を含む)の採択状況
2019年度～2020年度, Wilson Center International Scholar Fellowship, 代表, Southeast Asia’s Anglophone Elites and U.S. Foreign Policy.
2017年度～2017年度, 2017-18 Australia-Japan Foundation (AJF) Grant Round, 分担, Understanding East Asia's Contested Security Order.
2015年度～2016年度, 京都大学東南アジア研究所 共同利用共同研究拠点「東南アジア研究の国際共同研究拠点」, 代表, 地域統合時代のヴィザ制度の戦略的活用ー他における人口管理政策をめぐる政治分析ー.
2012年度～2012年度, 京都大学東南アジア研究所共同利用・共同研究拠点「東南アジア研究の国際共同拠点」, 代表, 亡命する政治指導者たち.
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